(DCNF)—Boston Democratic Mayor Michelle Wu’s 2021 campaign received hundreds of thousands of dollars from a fundraiser who is listed by a Chinese intelligence agency as an official, a Daily Caller News Foundation investigation discovered.
Gary Yu, the founder of Boston International Media Consulting, helped raise over $300,000 for Wu with the help of a Chinese civic association he leads. However, Yu — whose Chinese name is Yu Guoliang — is listed as an official by an agency of a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) influence and intelligence service called the United Front Work Department (UFWD), and also operates as a recruiter for the Chinese government, according to reports from the CCP, Chinese state media and civic associations led by Yu.
“The Communist Party’s UFWD never rests,” author and China expert Gordon Chang told the DCNF. “There is no ethnic Chinese official in America who is not targeted. It’s time for law enforcement to investigate the CCP’s ties to Gary Yu and Yu’s ties to Mayor Michelle Wu.”
Wu has risen to national prominence as a central figure in the Democratic resistance to Trump’s border and deportation policies. Wu recently defended her city’s refusal to cooperate with immigration officials during her March 19, 2025 “State of the City” address, during which she criticized “presidents who think they are kings,” prompting the White House to fire back the next day with a press release labeling Wu a “radical mayor” who “puts violent criminal illegal aliens first.”
“Wu’s ultra-leftism makes her the perfect candidate for CCP recruitment and capture,” Chang said. “Or do we have it backward? Is her ultra-leftism the result of CCP recruitment and capture? More than just the people of Boston would like to know.”
Wu’s office, Yu, and Boston International Media Consulting did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
‘Overseas Chinese’
Yu has repeatedly met with high-ranking CCP intelligence leaders in China and is listed as an official by two regional branches of a UFWD arm, according to Chinese government announcements, state media reports and records from Chinese civic associations led by Yu.
The UFWD’s operations are a “unique blend of engagement, influence activities, and intelligence operations that the [CCP] uses to shape its political environment, including to influence other countries’ policy toward the [People’s Republic of China] and to gain access to advanced foreign technology,” according to the House Select Committee on the CCP.
Yu is identified as an “overseas committee member” by the Hangzhou municipal All-China Federation Of Returned Overseas Chinese (ACFROC) branch in Zhejiang province and has met with their officials in China multiple times, according to the website of the North American Hangzhou Association (NAHAUS), where Yu serves as chairman.
ACFROC is a UFWD agency specializing in overseas influence operations, including allegedly directing Chinese community leaders to illegally establish a secret Chinese police station in New York City.
“China’s strategy to influence state and local policymakers is executed, in part, through hundreds of ostensibly ‘civil society’ organizations that are actually affiliated with the CCP’s UFWD,” Michael Lucci, CEO of State Armor, a nonprofit focused on countering the CCP, told the DCNF. “Xi Jinping considers United Front work a critical tool to undermine democracies. It involves influence peddling, intelligence collection, and intellectual property theft, all for the end goal of aligning U.S. subnational governments with China’s foreign policy and exploiting weaknesses they find.”
NAHAUS’s website details one meeting in China between Yu and the Hangzhou ACFROC Communist Party secretary on Nov. 29, 2018. During the meeting, Yu said NAHAUS would “work tirelessly to support the construction of Hangzhou and continue to serve the function of uniting and leading overseas Chinese,” according to a Chinese social media post that includes a photo of Yu alongside the ACFROC Party secretary.
Yu is likewise listed as an “overseas committee member” by the Zhejiang ACFROC branch, and he also met with officials from that group in China in November 2018, according to NAHAUS’ website. In March 2023, Yu participated in a Zhejiang ACFROC overseas advisory committee webinar, according to Zhejiang ACFROC. During the webinar, Yu and other ACFROC officials discussed matters such as building overseas coalitions.
‘Talent Recruitment’
Yu also agreed to headhunt U.S. talent for at least half a dozen Chinese regional governments, including the cities of Hangzhou and Guangzhou, according to Chinese government and ACFROC announcements.
For instance, in November 2019, the CCP announced that Yu agreed to establish an “Overseas Talent Recruitment Work Station” in North America for the party’s Organization Department in Nanning, a city located in the Guangxi Autonomous Region.
The Organization Department oversees China’s malign talent recruitment programs, like the Thousand Talents Plan, which incentivizes participants to “return to China to augment its scientific and military capabilities,” according to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.
Yu has also agreed to help recruit U.S. talent to support China’s high-tech development, including in the field of artificial intelligence.
Guangxi’s ACFROC branch recently announced that Yu had met with its officials on March 27, 2025. During that meeting, Yu promised to continue introducing “top-quality resources to Guangxi” after the ACFROC chairwoman told him the region’s artificial intelligence industry urgently required “overseas high-level talents.”
A November 2018 article by the Chinese media outlet Sohu reported Yu had previously headhunted for the Chengdu government’s High-Tech Zone and Tianfu Software Park, which are home to multiple Chinese military companies sanctioned by the U.S.
Department of Defense, including Chengdu JOUAV Automation Tech Co., Chengdu M&S Electronics Technology Co., Tencent, and Huawei.
‘Unlimited Power’
Meanwhile, Yu has organized the Chinese American community in Massachusetts to canvas and raise hundreds of thousands of dollars to elect Democratic lawmakers like Wu.
Massachusetts Office of Campaign and Political Finance (OCPF) records show Yu has personally donated $45,515 to various Massachusetts Democratic politicians since 2018, including $3,200 to Wu and $2,175 to Gov. Maura Healey.
Among other leadership roles, Yu also serves as the co-chair of the New England Chinese American Alliance (NECCA), which has “actively engaged the Chinese community in political campaigns,” according to the nonprofit’s website. Toward that end, NECCA has hosted “fundraising events” for at least nine Massachusetts politicians including Wu and Healey.
NECCA’s website claims it “raised over $300,000 from the Chinese American community for Michelle Wu,” and Yu’s Twitter advertised fundraising events for the future mayor in November 2020 and June 2021.
“We organized so many fundraisers and translated campaign materials into Chinese for more Chinese residents to read,” Yu said about his work for Wu, according to a November 2021 Boston University News Service (BUNS) report. “We did street canvassing every week. We had unlimited power for supporting her in the past year.”
By September 2021, NECCA had “expanded the fundraising scope from the Greater Boston area to more than 30 states across the country,” BUNS reported.
“Public officials need to thoroughly vet any organization and individual that has ties to China’s government, and interface with state and federal law enforcement when there is any uncertainty,” Lucci told the DCNF. “It is well-known that China’s government seeks to influence U.S. politics and place agents within our governance systems to further the CCP’s agenda. We need to stop letting them get away with it.”
Yu also donated $3,000 to Massachusetts State Auditor Diana DiZoglio, OCPF records show.
DiZoglio added Yu to her “policies and priorities” transition team after winning her race for state auditor in June 2021, and later appointed him to serve as a commissioner on the state’s Asian American and Pacific Islanders Commission (AAPIC) in January 2024.
Yu now serves as vice chair of AAPIC, which describes itself as “the Commonwealth’s only permanent, statewide body dedicated to addressing the needs and challenges of the AAPI community.”
AAPIC’s chairman, Saatvik Ahluwalia, told the DCNF by email the organization was completely “unaware” of any activity between Yu and ACFROC.
“[T]his is the first time we have heard of ACFROC, and we’ve had no contact, affiliation, or engagement with either the organization or the Chinese Government,” Ahluwalia said. “We absolutely intend to investigate what you outlined in your questions, including talking directly to Mr. Yu.”
NECCA, Healey, and DiZoglio did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
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Two Storms, One Harvest
Every food crisis in living memory has been a one-shock event. The 2008 price spike was a commodity bubble. The 2020 shortages were a logistics failure. The 2022 grain scare was a war on one exporter’s ports. Each time, the system bent, adjusted, and recovered, and each time the experts assured us afterward that global markets are simply too big and too diversified to fail.
What nobody in Washington seems eager to discuss is that 2026 is shaping up to be something the modern food system has never actually faced. Two independent shocks, one climatic and one geopolitical, are converging on the same harvest cycle at the same time. Not sequentially. Simultaneously.
Start with the weather. The Pacific Ocean is currently building toward what forecasters now openly call a record event. NOAA’s Climate Prediction Center puts the odds of at least a strong El Niño near 88 percent, with roughly two in three odds it reaches “very strong” status, the tier reserved for perhaps three or four events in the entire satellite era. Every major global model now projects a median peak in Super El Niño territory, and most of them project it exceeding the 2015-16 event, which until now held the modern record. Sea surface anomalies were already brushing the super threshold in mid-July, months before these events normally peak. The atmosphere has already shifted into El Niño mode, and the event is forecast to crest in late fall and early winter.
This is not about “climate change.” It’s about the standard cycles of weather, and the cycle we’re currently in is one that has likely devastated societies in the past. We’re better prepared as a society today, but not all Americans are equally prepared.
Serious households have started doing the quiet math on their own. Grocery bills tell part of the story, and the forecast maps tell the rest, which is why long-term food storage has moved from fringe hobby to mainstream line item in the family budget, with established suppliers like Heaven’s Harvest seeing demand from people who five years ago would have rolled their eyes at the idea. That instinct is not paranoia. It is pattern recognition, and the pattern is worth walking through carefully.
Editor’s Note: Heaven’s Harvest IS a sponsor, but the warnings of this article are real and would be written even if we didn’t have a survival food sponsor. With that said, those who take advantage of what they offer can use promo code “Patriot” for 15% off.
The Fertilizer Clock Is Already Running
While the Pacific warms, the second shock has been unfolding in the Strait of Hormuz. The conflict with Iran turned the world’s most important energy chokepoint into a contested waterway, and the consequences reach far beyond the gas pump. Roughly a third of global fertilizer trade moves through Hormuz, and the disruption sent urea prices up 86 percent year over year by March, with a 53 percent jump in a single month.
The World Bank projects energy prices rising about 24 percent in 2026 and fertilizer about 31 percent. By its own accounting, fertilizer prices ran 35 percent higher in the first five months of this year than the same period last year.
Here is the mechanism the nightly news will not explain. Fertilizer is not a grocery item. It is a time-delayed input. The nitrogen a farmer in Iowa or Punjab could not afford to apply this spring does not show up as a problem this spring. It shows up as a thinner harvest six to twelve months later.
The World Bank’s own food security brief concedes that the effects of reduced applications earlier this season “are likely to become visible only later in harvest outcomes.” Translate that from institutional language into plain English and it means this. The damage is already done, it is already in the ground, and we are simply waiting for it to arrive on the shelf.
Now check the calendar. Six to twelve months from the spring planting season lands us squarely in late 2026 and early 2027. Which is precisely when the strongest El Niño in the instrumental record is forecast to peak, bringing its signature droughts to Southeast Asia, Australia, southern Africa, northern Brazil, and South Asia, the very regions that grow the world’s rice, sugar, and oilseeds.
The World Bank warns openly that a strong El Niño “could disrupt multiple crop belts simultaneously” on top of the conflict-driven input costs. Their baseline projection assumes the Middle East disruptions ease by autumn. What in the last two years of Middle East history suggests that assumption is safe?
The System Has No Slack Left
The comfortable answer is that global markets always adjust. But adjustment requires slack, and the slack is gone. Global cereal production is expected to decline from last year’s records even before El Niño does its work. The UN World Food Programme, hardly a den of right-wing preppers, is calling this the most significant disruption to its supply chains since Covid and the invasion of Ukraine, and its supply chain director put the stakes bluntly.
Today’s supply chain challenges are tomorrow’s hunger crisis.
There is also a political dimension that markets cannot price. When food gets scarce, governments do not behave like economists. They behave like politicians. Export bans, hoarding mandates, and panic buying at the national level turned the modest rice shortfall of 2008 into a global crisis, and analysts are already warning that import-dependent nations are the first dominoes.
The 2015-16 Super El Niño, a far weaker event than what is now forecast, threw tens of millions into food stress across Africa and Asia. This one is projected to be stronger, and it arrives with fertilizer already rationed by price and shipping lanes already contested by missiles.
What Joseph Knew
Scripture does not treat preparation for lean years as faithlessness. It treats it as wisdom delivered in advance to those willing to act on it.
Behold, there come seven years of great plenty throughout all the land of Egypt: And there shall arise after them seven years of famine; and all the plenty shall be forgotten in the land of Egypt.
Joseph did not respond to that warning with a hashtag or a committee. He stored grain during the years of abundance, and when the famine came, Egypt stood while its neighbors begged. The lesson is not that famine is certain. It is that the time to prepare is precisely when preparation still looks optional.
Nobody who filled a pantry in a year of plenty has ever regretted it, and nobody standing in an empty aisle has ever been glad he waited for certainty.
None of this calls for panic, and panic is the enemy of sound judgment anyway. It calls for the same unglamorous prudence our grandparents considered ordinary. Keep some cash margin, know your local growers, and put real food in deep storage while it is cheap and available, because the entire arc of this story is that cheap and available is a closing window.
Families looking for a straightforward place to start can visit Heaven’s Harvest and use promo code Patriot for 15 percent off long-term storable food. The forecasts may yet soften, the strait may yet reopen, and we should pray they do. But hope is a fine thing to hold and a foolish thing to eat.
